Tuesday, September 17, 2013

Dia de los Muertos/ Day of the Dead


Dia de los Muertos/ Day of the Dead 
October 5- November 15, 2013 
Opening Reception: Friday, October 4, from 6:00pm-10:00pm
Closing Reception: Friday, November 1, from 6:00pm-10:00pm
Day of the Dead Festival:Saturday, October 5, 2013 from 12:00pm-10:00pm 



Opening and Closing Receptions: Friday, October 4th and November 1st, 2013 from 6:00pm-10:00pm
Come celebrate the color & culture of the Mexican holiday, Día De Los Muertos, or Day of the Dead. There will be music, food and wonderful art. This event allows for an intimate viewing of ofrendas (altars) which are created by local families & artists as well as a display of Day of the Dead inspired works of art. Experience the memory, love & creativity this holiday inspires and be part of this colorful tradition! 


Day of the Dead Festival Saturday, October 5, 2013 from 1:00pm-10:00pm Experience the best Day of the Dead Festival in Kansas City! The festivities last all evening and are perfect for the whole family! Watch live entertainment including musical and dance performances. Enjoy delicious foods from local and international food vendors. Buy wonderful handmade gifts from local artisans and come to the gift shop to see the treasures brought from Mexico! Play fun games in our kid’s carnival, and participate in contests to win great prizes.

Event Location 

Mattie Rhodes Art Center & Gallery 915 & 919 W 17th Street Kansas City, Missouri 64108 

Wednesday, September 11, 2013

FIESTA HISPANA 2013


Greater Kansas City Hispanic Heritage Council Presents…
FIESTA HISPANA, Barney Allis Plaza , 12th and Wyandotte , KCMO


Saturday, September 14th, Noon until 8pm
Sunday, September 15th, Noon until 8pm

Dancers, live music, Car Show, much more.

www.fiestahispanakansascity.com

Now in Mexico, she wants to return to U.S. — but can she?


By FRANCO ORDOÑEZ — McClatchy Foreign Staff
MEXICO CITY — In a corner of her room is a pink drawer. It's almost hidden by the 3-foot pile of clothes. But when Alejandra Pinzon clears a path and pulls open the plastic drawer, she can touch her most cherished possessions: a jumble of mementos that connect her to a life that's slipping from her grasp.
Homecoming photos from her high school back in Kansas. A worn letter from her aunt in Overland Park, Kan. A report card of five A's and, in Spanish, a B-minus. And her SAT scores, numbers she's never bothered to read.
Kneeling on the floor of her Mexico City apartment, Pinzon rifled through the drawer until she found her gold Taylor Swift concert tickets. She stared at the tickets and smiled.
"I'm obsessed with Taylor Swift," she said. "I wish she'd come to Mexico."
Just months after the concert, in the spring of 2010, while her friends were chattering about what to wear to prom, Pinzon faced an irreversible decision — whether to return to Mexico — that would forever shape her future.
Pinzon was 17 and living in the United States illegally. She wanted to go to college, but she knew that wasn't an option. She worried about being deported. She thought she could go back to Mexico, get her degree, build her skills and then, hopefully, a U.S. company would sponsor her to return on a visa. She might be back in as little as four or five years.
It didn't work out that way.
When Washington lawmakers debate pro and con, immigration is framed as a political issue. But the repercussions are real for young people such as Pinzon, whose parents chose the difficulties of starting new lives in the United States illegally over the safety and small horizons of home. This fractured relationship between right and left, Republicans and Democrats, has half a million young people like Pinzon caught in a state of limbo between countries.
The now 21-year-old with big brown eyes and a wide smile lives in Mexico City. But emotionally she's tied to the broad suburbs and flat accents of the American Midwest. It's an ambiguous space for these young people that affects everything from the relationships they develop to their sense of self. It's a space that exists somewhere on both sides of the border, but not on one or the other.
The late poet Gloria Anzaldua called it the "borderlands." An estimated 500,000 Mexicans ages 15 to 32 returned to their homeland from 2005 to 2010, according to an analysis of Mexican migration records by Jill Anderson, a postdoctoral fellow at the National Autonomous University of Mexico. In all, about 1.4 million people moved from the United States to Mexico in that time, about double the number that did so from 1995 to 2000.
About 11 million people, including 6.1 million from Mexico, remain in the U.S. illegally, according to the Pew Hispanic Center.
"For these young people, like Ali, it's a very painful and confusing space, because the question is, 'Where do I belong?' and 'To whom do I belong?' " Anderson said. She's editing a book, "Los Otros Dreamers," that documents the sociological challenges that young returning migrants experience. "And I think that becomes even more painful when you're separated from your family."
Ali Pinzon could be anyone's American-born next-door neighbor. She adores country music and peppers her sentences with "like" and "you know." But she's not next door.
Her family has been divided by the consequences of the U.S. immigration policy. While sister Lulu — born in the United States and thus a U.S. citizen — lives in St. Louis, their younger sister, Gaby, 19, lives in Mexico City.
Gaby Pinzon also lived for a period in the United States, but she returned to Mexico several years before her sister did. In the spring of 2010, as she was about to graduate from high school, Pinzon felt she had two choices.
She could remain in the United States, be dependent on Lulu and work illegally as a waitress or in some other service job. Or she could return to Mexico and attend college. She thought it would be easier to go to a Mexican college.
Lawyers told her that if she returned to Mexico before she was 18, she could avoid immigration violations.
Sister Lulu was against the move. "You don't know what you're doing," Lulu told her. "You haven't been to Mexico."
On Aug. 9, 2010, Pinzon stepped off a plane into a country that felt foreign to her, even though it was her native land. She walked out of the airport in her UGG boots and breathed in the city, which she said smelled like burnt rubber, to begin a new life in a place teeming with 20 million people. She didn't know when she'd be back in the U.S. again.
"I felt like I was going somewhere where I had never been before," she said. "I didn't really speak a lot of Spanish." At first, Pinzon spent much of her free time on Facebook and Skype, up to eight hours a day. The friends she does have in Mexico are almost all recent returnees from the U.S., many via deportation. She doesn't have to worry about being judged by them when she speaks English. Until she found them, she felt as if no one in this massive city understood her homesickness.
Pinzon was taken to the United States when she was 11 years old by her father, who was hoping to cultivate a better life, along with little sister Gaby. Their mother remained in Mexico, and Lulu already was living in the U.S. The three then overstayed their tourist visas and moved in with Pinzon's grandmother, a legal U.S. resident, in Overland Park.
Pinzon entered the seventh grade at Oxford Middle School in Overland Park, a suburb of Kansas City, Mo. She was the only Latino child in her class. Later, at Blue Valley Northwest High School, she joined the yearbook committee, sang with the chorus and danced with the Dazzlers drill team.
Pinzon tried to get into college when she returned to Mexico City, but she couldn't overcome the bureaucracy. The government wouldn't validate her U.S. high school diploma because she'd used a hyphenated name in the United States. Many returning migrants struggle to certify their transcripts. Pinzon was told she'd have to get a U.S. court to validate her identity or wait until she was 21, when she could take a GED-equivalent test.
With her good grades and diverse extracurricular activities, which included collecting school supplies for children in Uganda, Pinzon probably would been a shoo-in for a U.S. state college, had she been there legally. But in Mexico, she couldn't even get the government to accept her high school diploma.
"It was so much paperwork," she said. "So much bureaucracy that it kind of wears you out, and eventually you're going to need money. So I just got a job, and that's what I do now." She ended up finding a job at a call center, one of thousands where telephone and cable companies, among others, hire Americanized migrants to take customer service calls from the United States at Mexican wages.
One day, she recognized the 913 area code. It was a woman from Overland Park who needed her cable services transferred. Pinzon ignored the five-minute-per-call limit and chatted. She told the woman she used to live by Johnson County Community College. They talked about a local Greek restaurant they both liked.
"Don't you love Overland Park?" she asked the caller.
On June 15, 2012, less than two years after Pinzon returned to Mexico, she was playing foosball with friends when her sister called from St. Louis.
It was about the DREAM Act. Her sister said there was news: High school graduates no longer would be deported.
Her sister sounded anxious, but Pinzon paid little mind. What did it matter to her? She was already in Mexico. She went back to foosball.
But that night, she opened her laptop and typed in "DREAM Act." News stories popped onto her screen. President Barack Obama raised the hopes of many immigrants when he announced from the White House rose garden that he'd block deportations for hundreds of thousands of young people, like Pinzon, who'd arrived as kids and graduated from U.S. high schools.
More than 400,000 already have been accepted into the program and more than 1 million probably are eligible. Pinzon might have been one of them. but she'd gambled by leaving the country.
"What have I done?" Pinzon thought to herself.
She should have waited, she now says.
"It would have just taken me two years," she said. "The two years I've been doing this, I could have been doing it there."
She still hopes to attend college in Mexico. When she turns 21, she'll be able to take an equivalency exam for high school and hopefully then enter a Mexican college. She still hopes to earn a degree and entice an American company to sponsor her in the United States.
Going back illegally is also an option, Pinzon admits. She's thought of various ways to return. "I'm always going to think about going back," she said.
Her sister Lulu even bought her a plane ticket. Pinzon still has her tourist visa, which she could use to return and then overstay again. But she's not sure whether she's ready to start over again, leaving Gaby and her new nephew, Santiago.
But she's keeping the ticket, which she has saved on her computer in her room. It's near the pink drawer with the rest of her American stuff.

Tuesday, September 10, 2013

Latina Not White Women Have Advantage in Congressional Campaigns


Lawrence, KS - infoZine - In her new book, “The Latina Advantage: Gender, Race and Political Success,” University of Kansas political science professor Christina Bejarano explores evidence that female minorities may be helped — not hurt — by how the intersection of their gender and ethnicity/race influences Americans’ votes. The book was released this week by the University of Texas Press.

Over the years, minority women have faced assumptions that the combined effects of gender and racial stereotypes will harm their chances of being elected. This notion is sometimes referred to as a “double disadvantage” theory.

However, the impressive growth in minority women elected to U.S. Congress and state legislatures in the past two decades tells a different story, Bejarano argue “Minority women can face some advantages when they run for office — they can secure more public support by appealing to a wider array of communities and voter coalitions,” Bejarano said. “They’re also often better prepared for holding office, and white voters tend to see them as less ‘threatening’ than minority male candidates.”

In the book, Bejarano points out that in Congress, minority women account for a greater share of the total number of minority elected officials of either gender than white women do of total white elected officials.

In the 108th Congress (2003-2005), of the 463 members of Congress who were white, only 57 were white women. Translated to a percent: of all white Congress members, only 12 percent were female.

Latinas, however, accounted for 29 percent of all Latino congressional membership, while black women comprised 33 percent of black representatives.

In following (109th) Congress, white women comprised 13.2 percent of the white congressional delegation. Black women accounted for 28 percent of black Congress members, and Latinas were 27 percent of Latino representatives — slightly lower than the previous Congress, but each still more than double the percent of representation white women had among the white delegation.

Past research has analyzed how women and racial/ethnic minorities are affected by voter bias and political disadvantage. However, Bejarano wanted to study how being both female and a racial or ethnic minority shaped public opinion of a candidate, she said.

Latinas proved an especially remarkable group to study because, in politics, they’ve come far.

The first Latina was elected to Congress in 1989. By the end of the 1990s, six Latinas had served in Congress, a 500 percent increase in one decade. The number of Latinas in state legislatures also jumped from 16 to 61 during that period, a 280 percent increase.

While Latinas remain underrepresented in office in relation to their population, these increases still outpaced growth of Latino representation and female representation.

“The question on my mind was, ‘Why?’” Bejarano said.

American National Election Study data from 1992 to 2008 shows white voters are 11.6 percent more likely to vote for a minority legislative incumbent if she is female. Minority voters are 10 percent more likely to vote for white incumbents if they’re women. Bejarano concludes gender “softens” the threat perceived by racial/ethnic differences.

The ANES data also showed white voters were more likely than minority voters to give low approval ratings to minority incumbents — except when the incumbents were women.

Rather than facing the “double disadvantage” of being a woman and a minority, a Latina candidate benefits from her “multiple identity advantage,” Bejarano argues. She can likely count on support from fellow minorities, as well as white women, who are more likely than white men to support minority candidates. She can also shield herself from negative reaction to her race by drawing attention to her identity as a female.

Bejarano also analyzed Latina representation in state legislatures. In Arizona, Latinas made up 37.5 percent (six of 16 seats) of the Latino delegation in 2005 and 50 percent (seven of 14 seats) in 2009. In Illinois, Latinas comprised 54.5 percent of the total Latino legislative delegation in 2005 and 50 percent in 2009.

Further analysis of the two states with the largest number of Latino elected officials — Texas and California — showed that Latina legislative candidates on average had more education and more involvement in community organizations than their Latino counterparts. Bejarano found that in many cases, not only did their more extensive experience levels help Latinas win their first race, but also made it more likely that they’d run unopposed in the next election.

“(Latinas) may assume they will face more obstacles as women and as minorities, so they make sure they’re as qualified as possible before they consider running,” Bejarano said.

Whether Latinas and other minority women continue to grow their presence in political office remains to be seen. White females hit a plateau in the 1990s after making great strides in political representation.

“The takeaway of all this information is it broadens our assumptions about what makes a political candidate appealing,” Bejarano said.